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Thomas Bowers, 55, hanged himself on November 19 at his Malibu home.
The banker was not working for Deutsche Bank at the time. He is among a handful of people who signed off on loans totaling $2 billion to Trump in the decades before he became president, even after other institutions turned him down.

Trump’s dealings with Deutsche Bank is under investigation by two Congressional committees and the New York Attorney General, The New York Times reported.
Investigators are seeking to use Deutsche Bank to probe Trump’s personal and business finances.
A source with knowledge of an FBI investigation into Deutsche Bank said that federal investigators had asked about Bowers and documents he might have.
Another source claimed that Bowers would acted as the ‘gatekeeper’ for financial documents for the bank’s wealthiest customers,
Bowers was the boss of Donald Trump’s banker Rosemary Vrablic, according to a New York Times article in early 2019. Vrablic approved over $300 million dollars in high risk loans for Trump starting in 2010. Bowers personally signed off on the Deutsche Bank loan for Trump’s Doral resort, according to the New York Times report. Vrablic’s other clients have included Jared Kushner and Stephen M. Ross.

Case Detail

thomas bowers

Thomas Bowers

rosemary - vrablic

perry indicted - Edited

I know there are people that say you said you were the chosen one and I said, ‘ You were.’ ”
“I said, ‘If you’re a believing Christian, you understand God’s plan for the people who rule and judge over us on this planet in our government,’ ” Energy Secretary Rick Perry said in a portion of an interview released by “Fox & Friends” this past weekend.

The United States imposed sanctions on Mohammad-Javad Azari Jahromi, Iran’s information minister on November 22 2019, for his role in “widescale internet censorship,” a reference to a five-day-long nationwide shutdown meant to help stifle protests against fuel price hikes in Iran.

[November 21 2019]

[November 16 2019]
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Fuel prices rose by at least 50% on October 15 2019 as subsidies on gasoline were reduced. Protests have erupted across Iran after the government unexpectedly announced it was rationing gas and increasing its price. Cities affected included Tehran, Kermanshah, Isfahan, Tabriz, Karadj, Shiraz, Yazd, Boushehr and Sari. The authorities say they want to free up money to help the poor.
Iran has limited refining capacity and sanctions have made it difficult to obtain spare parts for oil plants.


November 21, 2019 Lawyers for Huawei Technologies Co Ltd filed an application to a Canadian court to immediately stay the extradition proceedings of the company’s Chief Financial Officer Meng Wanzhou to the United States, Because Canada did not have sanctions against Iran at the time Canadian officials authorized commencing with the extradition process, double criminality cannot be met. The standard of double criminality means that the alleged conduct for which Meng was arrested in 2018 has to be illegal in both countries for her to be extradited

Jean Boustani talks about his relationship with Armando Guebuza
– The Lebanese said he met the former president of Mozambique at his birthday party in Maputo and persuaded him to approve the hidden debt bill

Privinvest submitted the project for the protection of Mozambique’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) to the office of the President of the Republic on 31 December 2011 and a long 13 months of negotiations followed, leading Jean Boustani and his boss Iskandar Safa to lose hope. to see the project move forward. Everything changed when in January 2013, the young Lebanese traveled from Abu Dhabi to Maputo and attended Armando Guebuza’s 70th birthday party, where he approached the then head of state about the project and 24 hours later had everything approved .

“Safa said, ‘Jean, if we can’t find the [Mozambican] president, this project won’t happen,’” said Boustani. “So I went to Mozambique to do everything to find the president,” he said.

[November 19 2019]
Jean Boustani denied that he had committed any crime under US law, although he assumes that he paid money to third parties to facilitate the business of the three. Mozambican companies with Privinvest, “normal practice” in several countries.

The businessman, however, added that his intermediary business model, which he uses in exchange for contacts for money, “is very simple” and happens in many parts of the world, including America.

“They say ‘I will do my best to make sure your project is approved and I will charge you a percentage of the total value of the project,’ explained Jean Boustani, to whom“ this is called the success rate, commission, intermediary fee, can call multiple names ”.

“In Africa and the Middle East, you always have so-called agents, or intermediaries, who in America call lobbying. Its role is to open the door to secure the market for investors, ”he said.

As in Mozambique, according to the businessman, “In the Middle East and Africa, unless you know the policy makers personally, you need an intermediary to be able to propose projects, especially in the Ministry of Defense.”
For six weeks Jean Boustani, a Lebanese salesman at a shipbuilding company, sat quietly in a New York court as prosecutors summoned 20 witnesses to support charges he defrauded U.S. investors in a $2 billion Mozambican kickback scam.
On Monday, Boustani began to tell his side of the story to the jury, something many lawyers generally advise against because it exposes their clients to cross-examination.
Lebanese citizen Jean Boustani, 41, said in his first trial speech that his first trip to Mozambique was in March 2011, at a presentation by the Mozambican Ministry of Science and Technology.
As a negotiator for Privinvest, “the world’s largest private shipbuilder,” Jean Boustani said he was “very interested” in “development opportunities” in Africa and took advantage of an invitation by a “business agent” named Basetsana Thokoane, former agent of the South African Secret Service.
Jean Boustani said he had frequent professional contact with Basetsana Thokoane, whom he called “Bassi”, a business intermediary or lobbyist for Privinvest, who “presented him with business ideas in Africa.”
According to the statement, the South African business agent has put forward proposals on Namibia, Kenya, Tanzania, Nigeria and Mozambique.
It was through Basetsana Thokoane that the accused claimed to have met Rosario Mutota, former agent of the Mozambican State Information and Security Service (SISE) and “business partner” Teófilo Nhangumele, at a meeting hosted by the Ministry of Science and Technology. .
Jean Boustani told in court that he met the minister, Venâncio Massinga, who gave him “a presentation on the opportunities in Mozambique”.
The Lebanese said Rosario Mutota (or Cipriano Sioínio Mutota) had a “business partnership” with Teófilo Nhangumele.
Boustani said that at the first meeting with Mozambicans, “he spent a lot of time” with Minister and Teófilo Nhangumele on opportunities in the country: from “discoveries of natural gas reserves, oil explorations, mines, tourism, agriculture, industry”.
The defendant narrated that the Mozambicans were “willing, hopeful and powerful to attract foreign investors”.
“Because they also informed me about their wealth, gas, natural and offshore resources, it was crucial for them to start focusing on protecting resources and how to develop the blue economy,” said Jean Boustani, stressing that the country had “three thousand kilometers of coastline”.
In 2011, Jean Boustani introduced Privinvest: “who we are, what we do, what we can do, what our added value” in the shipbuilding sector, according to his statement on Monday.
At first impression, Jean Boustani called Theophilus Nhangumele “very polite, very intelligent, professional and a pleasant man.”
“The first time I was presented with an opportunity in Mozambique was, of course, thanks to Bassi,” said the accused, explaining that Mozambique and South Africa are border countries, “very close politically and culturally” and “share a lot of common history.” ”
According to the argument because of the process of decolonization of African countries, Basetsana Thokoane met people who “hid and took refuge in Mozambique” even in the “times of political independence”.
“She told me that Mozambique was thriving because they had found massive reserves of natural gas and oil,” said Jean Boustani, referring to the period 2010-2011.
Arrested in a Brooklyn prison in the United States since Jan. 2, Jean Boustani filed a statement on Monday led by his lawyer, Michael Schachter, and has again pleaded not guilty to two felonies: conspiracy to commit fraud. and conspiracy to commit money laundering.
Jean Boustani was the representative of the shipbuilding company Privinvest, a service and equipment provider for three Mozambican state-owned companies that took out international loans of about $ 2.2 billion (two billion euros) and defaulted, leading to the discovery of Mozambique’s hidden debts.


then Finance Minister, Manuel Chang

New York federal prosecutors on November 13 2019 rested their monthlong case against Privinvest Group executive Jean Boustani, who stands accused of conspiring to defraud investors in $2 billion worth of loans used to finance state-backed maritime projects in Mozambique.The judge, William F. Kuntz, threw out the defence team’s motion for acquittal, and declared “the government has established clearly and overwhelmingly the basis of this case going to the jury”.

[November 1 2019 Privinvest ’s CFO Najib Allam Spreadsheets shown at trial ]
Privinvest Group’s Chief Financial Officer Najib Allam emailed himself Excel Spreadsheets in November 2014 detailing the expenses he incurred in Mozambique, “meticulously detailing of bribes and kickbacks,” Mozambican figures who had taken bribes from Boustani, including the then Finance Minister, Manuel Chang, and Ndambi Guebuza, and Antonio do Rosario, the former senor security officer who became chairperson of the board of all three Mozambican companies.
One of Allam’s spreadsheets, headed “Ematum” detailed a string of corrupt payments. “ArGe” (Ndambi Guebuza) recived 21 millon dollars, “JB” (Boustani) got nine million, Rosario 8.7 million and Chang five million.


[October 21 2019   tuna scam: Said Freiha and Adel Afiouni   ]


andrew pearse

A combination photograph shows Detelina Subeva, left, a former vice president in the global financing unit at Credit Suisse Group AG, and Andrew Pearse, right, former managing director at Credit Suisse Group AG, in London.

Andrew Pearse, who pleaded guilty to conspiracy, told the court October 18 2019 that at least four former Credit Suisse bankers besides himself took millions of dollars in bribes from shipbuilder Privinvest Group, including two he hadn’t named before. Surjan Singh and Detelina Subeva, two former Credit Suisse bankers have pleaded guilty. Said Freiha and Adel Afiouni, a pair of former Credit Suisse colleagues introduced Privinvest to the bank.
Jean Boustani, a Privinvest salesman described by prosecutors as the “mastermind” of a plot to defraud U.S. investors.
Four Mozambican officials got kickbacks from Privinvest, and the son of the country’s then-president, Armando Guebuza, illegal payments.
Boustani helped Pearse set up a bank account in the United Arab Emirates to hide the US$45 million he’d paid him, even providing him with the necessary work permit. Asked what job was cited, the former banker said the permit falsely described him as a “tube welder” at a construction site.
Ndambi Guebuza, the former president’s son introduced the defendant to his father and to the ministers in the Mozambique government who were necessary for the project to proceed. Ndambi Guebuza was arrested by Mozambican authorities in February and is fighting charges.
The case is U.S. v. Boustani, 18-cr-681, U.S District Court, Eastern District of New York (Brooklyn).
SEALED INDICTMENT as to Jean Boustani (1) count(s) 1, 2, 4, Najib Allam (2) count(s) 1, 2, 4, Manuel Chang (3) count(s) 1, 2, 4, Antonio Do Rosario (4) count(s) 1, 2, 4, Teofilo Nhangumele (5) count(s) 1, 4, Andrew Pearse (6) count(s) 1, 2, 3, 4, Surjan Singh (7) count(s) 1, 2, 3, 4, Detelina Subeva (8) count(s) 1, 2, 3,

[August 27 2019 Credit Suisse’s Andrew Pearse lied says Mozambique ]

Mozambique sued Lebanese-French billionaire Iskandar Safa on July 31 in the High Court of Justice’s commercial court in London. Represented by Peters & Peters Solicitors LLP, Mozambique last month sued Safa, following the guilty plea from Andrew Pearse to wire fraud in federal court in Brooklyn, New York.
The legal action is the latest in a saga that has seen arrests including the son of Mozambique’s ex-president, former Finance Minister Manuel Chang, and two other former Credit Suisse staff. The U.S. has accused Mozambique government officials, the banker and Privinvest of setting up the project as a front to pay themselves more than $200 million in bribes and kickbacks.

Privinvest and some of its units were the sole suppliers for the project that included a tuna fishing operation, shipyards, and a coastal security system. The deals were signed in 2013 and 2014. The company and Safa ,the chief executive officer and founder of the shipbuilding company, have denied any wrongdoing. “Pearse’s allegations against Privinvest and Safa are entirely unfounded” and were obtained after several months of pressure, which diminishes their value as credible evidence.

[July 31 2019 guilty Mozambique and tuna fishing fleet scam ]
Andrew Pearse, who head Credit Suisse’s Global Financing Group at the time, entered his plea to one count of wire fraud conspiracy before U.S. District Judge William Kuntz in Brooklyn, New York federal court, admitting that he took millions of dollars in kickbacks in connection with the loans.

[January 13 2019 U.S. steps into London scam ]

A 47-page US indictment against banker Andrew Pearse reads like a script to a Hollywood movie. Pearse and the other defendants created maritime projects as fronts to raise money to enrich themselves and intentionally divert portions of the loans’ proceeds to pay at least US$200m in bribes and kickbacks to themselves, officials and others.

[January 7 2019]

Jean Boustany, the top salesman for Privinvest, was arrested on January 2 2019 at New York’s John F Kennedy airport. The scam used loans to Privinvest , which is registered in the UAE, for three maritime projects. According to the indictment, Privinvest representatives were also accused of “inflating the prices of equipment and services” provided to Mozambique, thereby freeing the money for the bribe system.

“It is scandalous that it has required action from the U.S. authorities for this investigation and arrests to be made in London,” said Tim Jones, a policy officer at the British-based Jubilee Debt Campaign.

“It was the London branches of Credit Suisse and VTB which lent the $2 billion, yet there has been a shocking lack of action taken by UK authorities in holding them to account.”

Britain’s finance industry watchdog, the Financial Conduct Authority (FCA), started looking at Credit Suisse’s involvement in Mozambique in 2016. The FCA declined to comment on the latest events.

Former Credit Suisse bankers Andrew Pearse, Surjan Singh, and Detelina Subeva, were arrested in London on January 4 2019. They were charged with conspiring to violate US anti-bribery law, money laundering and securities fraud in an indictment issued in Brooklyn, New York US District Court, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Eastern District of New York.

Prosecutors say that through a series of financial transactions between approximately 2013 and 2016, they created fraudulent maritime projects and used state-owned companies in Mozambique as fronts to raise $2bn. The men have been released on bail in London while the US seeks their extradition.

An inquiry into the loan scandal surrounding Mozambique’s default shows that the money procured via Credit Suisse and VTB Bank served many purposes – just not helping the African nation to develop its economy.

Credit Suisse (CS) so far has flatly denied being at fault for Mozambique’s failure to repay its debt, including in a recently-published inquiry by New York-based Kroll economic research agency. The report by the agency suggests that some questions remain to be answered.

Kroll says that CS and Russia’s VTB, which together organized credit worth more than $2 billion to three state-owned companies in Mozambique, had received $200 million in fees, a claim CS rejects. The loans were intended for a tuna fishing fleet, patrol boats, nautical equipment, maintenance and training.

Bonds Awarded, Fees Distributed

CS in a statement said that it had received $23 million, or roughly 2.3 percent of the loans, a sum in line with market prices. A further $140 million from the $200 million in fees had been so-called contractor fees, passed onto members of the syndicate and investors, intended to boost their return.

CS and VTB had emitted bonds with a coupon of 8.5 percent for parts of the loans granted to Mozambique. CS had not told investors that the bank had granted further loans to the country.

Investors only found out after agreeing to a refinancing in March 2016. The deal had become necessary because Mozambique hadn’t been able to finance the loans. Switzerland’s banking regulator Finma is looking into the transaction, as is the U.K.’s Financial Conduct Authority, or FCA.

The Role of Abu Dhabi Mar

The Kroll Report shows in detail who received how much of the money provided to the African country. Apart from the banks, it includes officials in the African nation and Abu Dhabi Mar, a company based in the Middle East. Abu Dhabi Mar delivered tuna fishing boats, other vessels and nautical equipment and infrastructure as well as an aircraft. The company received $1.8 billion for the goods and services, paid with money borrowed by Mozambique.

Kroll indicated that there had been a number of conflicts of interest in the provision of the loan, and that a large amount of information had been withheld by authorities and companies in Mozambique that would have helped shed light on the affair.

Where Are the Missing $500 Million?

This included the whereabouts of several hundred million dollars, information about which had not been forthcoming from sources in Mozambique. What is known is that Mozambique had changed the end purpose of some of the loans and attributed them to the budget of the country’s military.

Kroll said that it was unclear where some $500 million of the loan intended for the tuna fishing project went to.


The agency says that Mozambique paid too much for the boats, further equipment and services. Kroll compared the money the country paid with estimated market prices of the equipment and services and came up with a delta of $713 million.

Abu Dhabi Mar is controlled by Privinvest, an investment company partly controlled by Iskandar Safa, a Lebanese billionaire. A spokesperson for Privinvest told that Kroll in its calculations had not taken into account a number of elements of the deliveries agreed in the contract.

A Lot of Additional Technology

Privinvest hadn’t delivered individual pieces of equipment, but an integrated system, whose individual elements had been adjusted to the needs and complemented with additional technology.

Privinvest also holds a stake in Palomar, an offshore firm. Andrew Pearse, a former CS banker, is a partner at Palomar.

Role of the Former CS Banker

During his time at Credit Suisse, Pearse is said to have contributed to the awarding of part of the Mozambique loans. He had told that there had been no conflict of interest between his work at CS and his stake at Palomar.

Kroll says that Palomar had received fees of $30.6 million. More than CS and VTB together. Kroll isn’t able to say why this was the case because of the information that had been withheld.

The report alludes to the conflict of interest of a person only named as «B» who had owned a stake in Palomar and had been a former member of a participating company. The report doesn’t specify whether person «B» is Andrew Pearse, and whether the company involved is Switzerland’s second-largest bank.

A spokesperson for Palomar told that the Kroll-report contained errors and was misleading. Kroll never had contacted Palomar. Still, Palomar was ready to provide the necessary information at any time.

Projects That Don’t Work Properly

The inquiry also found that Abu Dhabi Mar, Privinvest and Palomar had had leading roles in all the Mozambique projects. They structured the projects, introduced CS as a provider of financing, agreed payments of contractor fees and restructured the credits – which led to the payment of further fees.

The report also says that Privinvest had provided financial support. The projects hadn’t taken off as had been expected, partly because of a lack of infrastructure for fish processing, but also because personnel had been unsuitable.

Palomar Capital Advisors Liquidated

Zurich-based Palomar Capital Advisors was liquidated in November 2016. Pearse was chairman of the company, which had been a key actor in the Mozambique deal and received the fees mentioned. The fees still outstanding will now go to VR Global Partners, a company based in the Caribbean.

Kroll has kept the report neutral and refrained from making assumptions or pointing fingers. Still, the inquiry repeatedly showed that some of the payments and transactions could not be explained on the basis of the information available.

CS Agreed to the Deal Even as Conditions Weren’t Met

Credit Suisse is being cleared by the report’s findings. It says that CS had demanded a number of conditions to be met for it to agree to the deal. They included an agreement from the central bank of the country, an examination of local courts as well as a report to the International Monetary Fund.

The documents Kroll had at its disposal showed that the conditions set out by CS had not been met. Further information would need to be made available to explain why the bank had agreed to providing the finance despite its conditions hadn’t been met.

mtDRAGON - Edited
M.T. Dragon, IMO 9244635, a massive oil tanker flying the Liberian flag, is supposed to be floating somewhere off the coast of France, according to its last GPS signal.

Instead, it’s currently thousands of miles away in Venezuela where, under contract for the Russian state-oil giant Rosneft Oil Co PJSC, it loaded 2 million barrels of oil. The ship’s transponders were turned off before it slipped into Venezuelan waters.
Evasive behavior, perfected by rogue ships transporting oil for Iran in violation of U.S. sanctions is being used to evade sanctions on Venezualan crude. Most of the cloaked crude is going to China or Russia for whom U.S. sanctions are less of a deterrent — as well as India.
Other tricks companies use to duck detection are reporting a false destination, frequently changing management or carrying out high-risk ship-to-ship transfers in which “dark” vessels come together on the high seas to hand over their cargo.